Evans v. Garza
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
Date FiledOctober 9, 2026
Docket23-50541
StatusPublished
📰 News Coverage: Read the LAWS.com news report on this case
Full Opinion
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United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit United States Court of Appeals
Fifth Circuit
____________ FILED
October 9, 2026
No. 23-50541 Thomas B. Plunkett, III
____________ Clerk
Michelle Evans,
Plaintiff—Appellant,
versus
Jose Garza, in his official capacity as Travis County District Attorney,
Defendant—Appellee.
________________________________
Appeal from the United States District Court
for the Western District of Texas
USDC No. 1:23-CV-727
______________________________
ON PETITION FOR REHEARING EN BANC
Before Richman, Oldham, and Ramirez, Circuit Judges.
Per Curiam:
The petition for rehearing en banc is DENIED because, at the
request of one of its members, the court was polled, and a majority did not
vote in favor of rehearing (Fed. R. App. P. 40 and 5th Cir. R. 40).
In the en banc poll, 7 judges voted in favor of rehearing (Judges
Jones, Willett, Ho, Duncan, Engelhardt, Oldham, and
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Wilson), and 10 voted against (Chief Judge Elrod and Judges
Smith, Stewart, Richman, Southwick, Haynes, Graves,
Higginson, Douglas, and Ramirez).
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Priscilla Richman, Circuit Judge, concurring in the denial of rehearing
en banc:
I write to focus on what is, and is not, at issue. The statute under
scrutiny made it a crime to disseminate a photograph of a person in a
restroom under certain circumstances. The photo that Michelle Evans
tweeted 1 undoubtedly punctuated her political speech that accompanied the
photo. But Michelle Evans could have conveyed her political views without
publishing the photo. The Texas statute did not impinge at all on Evans’s
ability to broadcast to the world that she saw a biological male who is
transgender, and who was also a political candidate, use a women’s public
restroom at the Texas Capitol complex, and to express her strong political
views that this should not be permitted.
The question is whether it is likely (since we are at the preliminary
injunction stage) that a state has a compelling interest in protecting a
person’s expectation of privacy in a restroom that is sufficient to outweigh
First Amendment free speech rights under the facts of this case. I submit
that the answer is “yes.”
Evans attended a debate in the Texas House of Representatives at the
Texas Capitol about gender reassignment treatment for children. When she
visited the women’s restroom, she encountered a biological male who is a
transgender female, and who was at the time running for election to the Texas
House of Representatives. Texas law did not prohibit a biological male who
identifies as a female from using a women’s restroom. Evans confronted this
person after they had both exited the restroom. Evans then returned to her
seat in the Capitol gallery, where one of her seatmates showed her that
_____________________
1
Although Twitter has since rebranded as “X” and a “tweet” is now known as a
post, I use the relevant monikers at the time of the underlying events in this case.
3
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someone else from their group had posted on Facebook a photo of the
candidate washing their hands in the women’s restroom. Evans posted the
photo on Twitter with a caption: 2
_____________________
2
Michelle Evans (@ThinkerMichelle), X (May 12, 2023, at 11:18 AM),
https://tinyurl.com/38tpr9am.
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Evans’s tweet generated a controversy, and the Travis County
District Attorney, José Garza, investigated whether Evans had violated
Texas Penal Code § 21.15(b). This statute criminalized—as a state jail
felony 3—transmitting “a visual image of another in a bathroom or changing
room” or promoting such a transmission if the action is done without consent
and “with intent to invade the privacy of the other person.” 4 The statute
was amended in 2025, and the relevant provisions that were in effect at the
time of Evans’s tweet are set forth below, 5 as well as the amended portion. 6
_____________________
3
See Tex. Penal Code § 12.35.
4
Prosecution of the Offense of Invasive Visual Recording, 84th Leg., R.S., ch. 954,
§ 4, 2015 Tex. Gen. Laws 3394, amended by Act of May 16, 2025, 89th Leg., R.S., H.B. 1465,
§ 3 (codified at Tex. Penal Code § 21.15(b)).
5
Id., providing:
(b) A person commits an offense if, without the other person’s
consent and with intent to invade the privacy of the other person, the
person:
***
(2) photographs or by videotape or other electronic means
records, broadcasts, or transmits a visual image of another in a
bathroom or changing room; or
(3) knowing the character and content of the photograph,
recording, broadcast, or transmission, promotes a photograph,
recording, broadcast, or transmission described by Subdivision (1)
or (2).
6
Act of May 16, 2025, 89th Leg., R.S., H.B. 1465, § 3 (codified at Tex. Penal
Code § 21.15(b)) (emphasis added), which states:
(b) A person commits an offense if, without the other person’s
consent and with intent to invade the privacy of the other person, the
person:
***
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Evans has not been prosecuted, but she sought a temporary restraining
order and preliminary injunction in federal court prohibiting Garza from
investigating or prosecuting her based on her dissemination of the
photograph. She argues Texas Penal Code § 21.15(b)(2)-(3) is
unconstitutional on its face and as applied to her past and future publication
of the photograph based on her First and Fourteenth Amendment rights.
The district court denied Evans’s motions for injunctive relief.
At issue is subsection (b)(2) of the statute in effect on the date of the
incident. Subsection (b)(2) is limited to images “of another in a bathroom or
changing room.” 7 An element of the offense is that the image is taken or
disseminated with the intent to invade the person’s privacy. 8 To sustain her
overbreadth challenge, Evans must “demonstrate from the text of [the
statute] and from actual fact that a substantial number of instances exist in
which the Law cannot be applied constitutionally.” 9
Circumstances in which a prosecution under the Texas law would
likely be constitutional readily come to mind. For example, it is highly
unlikely that there is a First Amendment right to distribute, without their
consent, images of a person’s genitalia (whether they be an adult, infant, pre-
_____________________
(2) photographs or by videotape or other electronic means
records, broadcasts, or transmits a visual image of another person in
a place in which a person has a reasonable expectation of privacy; or
(3) knowing the character and content of the photograph,
recording, broadcast, or transmission, promotes a photograph,
recording, broadcast, or transmission described by Subdivision (1)
or (2).
7
Prosecution of the Offense of Invasive Visual Recording, 84th Leg., R.S., ch. 954,
§ 4, 2015 Tex. Gen. Laws 3394 (amended 2025).
8
Id.
9
N.Y. State Club Ass’n v. City of New York, 487 U.S. 1, 14 (1988).
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teen, or teen) while utilizing bathroom facilities. Evans is not likely to
succeed on her claim that the statute is facially invalid.
In support of her as-applied claim, Evans maintains that when the
subject of the photograph is “not in a private area of the bathroom and knows
they are subject to public view,” specifically, when they are “fully clothed,
at a sink, washing their hands,” others in the restroom have a First
Amendment right to photograph the subject, and Evans has a First
Amendment right to distribute that photograph. The question is whether the
State has an interest in protecting the privacy of those using public restrooms
that is sufficient to survive strict scrutiny when the person is photographed
fully clothed washing their hands.
No one disputes that a person has a privacy interest not to be
photographed in their own home without their permission, certainly not
when the intent is to use the photograph to invade the person’s privacy. 10
But what happens when a person leaves their home and enters public spaces
in a government building? When nature calls, it is unrealistic to think that
the person can make it back home to use their own bathroom (which may be
in another city or state) or find some other private restroom.
_____________________
10
See generally Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27, 37, 40 (2001) (holding that
thermal-imaging surveillance of a house was a search, rejecting the government’s argument
that “thermal imaging was constitutional because it did not ‘detect private activities
occurring in private areas’”); id. at 37 (recognizing the Fourth Amendment’s protection
against prying into “intimate details,” stating that “[i]n the home, our cases show, all
details are intimate details, because the entire area is held safe from prying government
eyes”); Dow Chem. Co. v. United States, 476 U.S. 227, 236 (1986) (holding that the EPA’s
aerial photographs of a plant complex was not an unconstitutional search, acknowledging
that “[t]he intimate activities associated with family privacy and the home and its curtilage
simply do not reach the outdoor areas or spaces between structures and buildings of a
manufacturing plant”).
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A public restroom has been considered as a practical matter “off
limits” to the press once someone crosses its threshold. Traditionally,
neither a private citizen nor the press follows a person into a restroom to
pursue questioning or to obtain photographs. That is considered, as a matter
of tradition, “beyond the pale.” Evans argues, though, that in the case before
us, the person who was photographed had left the privacy of a stall to use the
sink and therefore should be fair game. This would allow people engaged in
a number of activities outside restroom stalls to be photographed without
their consent. Outside the confines of a stall, people attend to all sorts of
personal needs. Mothers change babies’ diapers or nurse them. People
adjust clothing or undergarments or change outfits entirely. They dab water
on spills on their clothing, perhaps taking off a blouse or shirt or trousers, or
hiking up a skirt. Some public bathrooms have sitting areas with couches or
other lounge furniture in case a person feels the need to lie down. Do these
activities outside a stall subject people to being photographed without their
consent, including surreptitiously, as long as certain body parts are not
visible? Is there no constitutional protection when the photograph is taken
or disseminated with the intent to invade the privacy of the person?
Does the constitution draw the line at the door to a stall in a women’s
or men’s restroom for purposes of photographing someone? Does the First
Amendment require that, once a person exits a stall, mobile phones and
cameras may come out? As to urinals, does the First Amendment say
cameras can click once the pants or trousers are zipped? Can the press or
anyone seeking to photograph celebrities or public figures or other persons of
interest enter or even crowd the restrooms of public buildings waiting for the
chance to capture the moment the targeted person enters or exits a stall or
turns away from a urinal? What of the ordinary person who is also in the
restroom and of no interest to the press or to a private citizen on a politically
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motivated mission? Must the non-targeted individual navigate the press or
other photo seekers?
The Texas Legislature reached the considered judgment that
everyone, be it the Governor, a member of the Texas House or Senate, a state
or federal judge, a political activist, a tourist, or a child, should have
protection from being photographed without their consent when in a
restroom, when the intent is to invade their privacy. This is a substantial,
legitimate state interest. Evans is not likely to succeed on her claim that strict
scrutiny requires states to draw the line at the point when a person has left a
stall or finished using a urinal or might otherwise have ceased to be in a
position in which their genitalia would be visible. A public restroom in a
government building is analogous to a bathroom in one’s home. It is a place
that sometimes must be frequented to attend to bodily functions that cannot
be ignored and to attend to other personal matters normally addressed in a
restroom. To say that a person has an expectation of freedom from being
photographed only when that person’s genitalia might be exposed would
confine the right to privacy and seclusion too narrowly.
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James C. Ho, Circuit Judge, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en
banc:
Our court has an unfortunate record when it comes to combating the
weaponization of law enforcement and protecting the First Amendment right
to express views disfavored by those in power. See, e.g., Villarreal v. City of
Laredo, 94 F.4th 374 (5th Cir. 2024), reaff’d, 134 F.4th 273 (5th Cir. 2025);
Mayfield v. Butler Snow, 78 F.4th 796 (5th Cir. 2023); Gonzalez v. Trevino, 60
F.4th 906 (5th Cir. 2023).
So today’s order should surprise no one. Indeed, if the privacy
theories credited by our court in Villarreal were sufficient to justify Priscilla
Villarreal’s arrest and prosecution, see 94 F.4th at 387, then it’s no wonder
that the government’s privacy theories were credited by the panel majority
here as well. See Evans v. Garza, 161 F.4th 315, 321–22 (5th Cir. 2025). But
see id. at 327–28 (Oldham, J., dissenting).
Observers of our court would undoubtedly code Villarreal’s speech as
“liberal,” and Michelle Evans’s speech as “conservative.” But of course,
that’s been my precise point in all of these cases. We’re supposed to apply
the same constitutional protections to every citizen, whether we agree with
their views or not. We’re supposed to protect the freedom of speech no
matter whose ox is gored. See, e.g., Villarreal, 94 F.4th at 412 (Ho, J.,
dissenting) (same First Amendment standards should apply to conservatives
and liberals); Oliver v. Arnold, 19 F.4th 843, 844 (5th Cir. 2021) (Ho, J.,
concurring in the denial of rehearing en banc) (same); Ford v. Mckesson, 184
F.4th 448, 449 (5th Cir. 2026) (Ho, J., concurring in the denial of rehearing
en banc) (same); Perez v. City of San Antonio, 168 F.4th 345, 346 (5th Cir.
2026) (Ho, J., dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc) (same First
Amendment standards should apply to the Lipan-Apache and evangelical
Christianity).
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I.
“If any principle of constitutional law ought to unite all of us as
Americans, it’s that the government has no business imprisoning citizens for
the views they hold.” Villarreal, 94 F.4th at 412 (Ho, J., dissenting). “So
it’s gratifying that a diverse amicus coalition of nationally recognized public
interest groups . . . stands firmly behind Villarreal.” Id. See also McMurry v.
Weaver, 142 F.4th 292, 305 (5th Cir. 2025) (Ho, J., concurring) (“A broad
coalition of leading civil rights and religious liberty organizations . . . have
called our en banc decision in Villarreal ‘insidious’ and ‘dangerous.’”).
A number of those amici no doubt “disagree with Villarreal on a wide
range of issues.” Villarreal, 94 F.4th at 412 (Ho, J., dissenting). “But
although they may detest what she says, they all vigorously defend her right
to say it.” Id. Their “united front gives me hope that, even in these divided
times, Americans can still stand up and defend the constitutional rights of
others—including even those they passionately disagree with.” Id.
“Americans are a diverse and passionate bunch. That is a feature of
our country, not a bug.” Oliver, 19 F.4th at 854 (Ho, J., concurring in the
denial of rehearing en banc). “But if we can’t debate (or even tolerate) one
another—if this is where our national culture is going—then we are headed
for an ideological arms race, one in which each side in any major debate will
escalate every grievance and deploy every tool at their disposal to suppress
their opponents. And I fear that, as our Founders predicted, we will all be
worse off as a result.” Id.
After all, it’s not popular speech that needs protection. “It’s only
when speech is unpopular that you need the First Amendment.” Hershey v.
Bossier City, 165 F.4th 292, 292 (5th Cir. 2025) (Ho, J., concurring in the
denial of rehearing en banc). And as sure as the day is long, every American
can count on the fact that, someday, somewhere, some view you hold dearly
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will be disdained and devalued by the majority of the community—and that
you may need the First Amendment to protect you.
II.
In response to the dissents, the concurring opinion helpfully (if not
ironically) publishes the allegedly criminal photo at issue in this case. It does
so in an apparent effort to dramatize the purported privacy violation that
supposedly justifies the criminalization of speech. In doing so, however, the
concurrence only dramatizes the First Amendment violation in this case.
I’ll begin with a few preliminary points.
First off, the concurrence invites Evans to “convey[] her political
views without publishing the photo.” But not only is that contrary to bedrock
First Amendment law—which protects images as well as words. It’s also
contrary to the concurrence itself. After all, the concurrence (like Michelle
Evans!) chose to publish the photo—presumably because the concurrence
agrees with Evans that adding images to words does indeed help to
“punctuate[]” their message.
Second, the concurrence argues that we should limit the First
Amendment to the “tradition[s]” of the “press.” This is wrong on multiple
levels. To start, the First Amendment (obviously) protects speech whether
it’s favored or disfavored by the media. Moreover, if press traditions actually
mattered to the court, then we presumably would have protected the highly
traditional press practice of directing questions to “backchannel” sources, as
well as designated press secretaries. Yet our court did precisely the opposite
in Villarreal. See 94 F.4th at 389, 398 (condemning use of “backchannel”
sources); see also id. at 420 (Ho, J., dissenting) (noting that judges as well as
journalists regularly seek “non-public information from a ‘backchannel
source’—for example, from a Senate aide who has information about . . . a
pending judicial nomination”).
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III.
But perhaps the most important message to draw from the
concurrence’s publication of the photo is this: The photo confirms that
there’s no actual violation of privacy here.
After all, the photo depicts the individual in question in precisely the
same way that that person chooses to present himself in public. So if that’s a
violation of privacy, then we have truly lost all understanding of the word.
And we have indeed lost all understanding of privacy. For let us not
miss the profound irony here: A man enters a women’s bathroom—and it’s
the man’s privacy that is violated?
To borrow from the concurrence: Mothers must “nurse [their
babies],” and women must “adjust [their] undergarments,” “tak[e] off a
blouse,” or “hik[e] up a skirt,” in the presence of any man who claims he is
a woman—and if a woman objects, she’s the one who is violating his rights?
The entire point of Evans’s message, of course, is that it’s a violation
of women’s privacy for a man to be present in a women’s bathroom. So we’re
turning the law upside down to suggest that men have a privacy right to enter
a women’s restroom—and women have no First Amendment right to object.
Today’s order is just the latest evidence that our judicial system gets
things exactly backwards. In the olden days, the law would protect Evans’s
message—and it’s the man’s presence in the women’s bathroom that would
be considered the violation. But under the precedent we leave intact today,
there’s no First Amendment protection for the women—it’s the man’s
presence in the women’s bathroom that we must protect instead—and it’s
the women who must not resist too boldly or else go to jail.
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***
I’m well aware that today’s decision captures the cultural zeitgeist of
societal elites. Just a few months ago, the Supreme Court used a female
pronoun to describe the male plaintiff in the caption of its decision in West
Virginia v. B.P.J., 609 U.S. _ (2026). This despite the fact that neither West
Virginia nor B.P.J.’s ACLU counsel used a female pronoun in their
captions—the parties adopted a policy of neutrality and avoided using either
pronoun. (Nor can the B.P.J. caption be explained by a practice of deference
to the court of appeals. Compare, e.g., Sossamon v. Texas, 563 U.S. 277 (2011),
where the Court used the caption adopted by the parties instead of the court
of appeals.)
The Court’s use of transgender pronouns in its official caption is
striking. Other courts, by contrast, have continued to follow history and
tradition when it comes to pronouns. See, e.g., Gibson v. Collier, 920 F.3d 212,
217 n.2 (5th Cir. 2019); United States v. Varner, 948 F.3d 250 (5th Cir. 2020);
see also Defending Education v. Olentangy Local School District Board of
Education, 158 F.4th 732, 786 & n.36 (6th Cir. 2025) (Bush, J., concurring).
My ultimate point here, however, is not to debate whether we should
follow neutrality, history and tradition, or transgender ideology when it
comes to pronouns. My point, rather, is simply this: As Americans, we’re
allowed to object, and we’re allowed to dissent.
Justice Thomas has observed that “[m]en . . . are not women . . . , even
if they believe that they are.” B.P.J., 609 U.S. at _ (Thomas, J., concurring).
And to claim otherwise is to “show indifference regarding the truth.” Id.
(quotations omitted). If the First Amendment protects nothing else, it
protects the right of every American to express the truth. So I’m grateful to
have this opportunity to dissent. I only regret that we could not extend that
same privilege to Michelle Evans.
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Andrew S. Oldham, Circuit Judge, joined by Jones, Willett, Ho,
Duncan, and Engelhardt, Circuit Judges, dissenting from the denial of
rehearing en banc:
Travis County District Attorney Garza wanted to prosecute Michelle
Evans over a tweet. Cf. Rhys Groen, Pakistan Human Rights Lawyers Imaan
Mazari and Hadi Chattha Sentenced to 17 Years Over Social Media Posts,
Jurist News (Jan. 25, 2026), https://perma.cc/Z4VY-33EC; Hanson v.
Faruqi [2026] FCAFC 96 (27 July 2026) (Austl.). Never mind that the tweet
constituted political speech. And never mind that criminally charging social-
media users for core political speech is tragicomically unconstitutional in this
country. DA Garza waged a years-long battle over his right to do so anyway.
Then on the eve of possible en banc rehearing, Garza waved the white
flag. With all the tact of a Kafkaesque bureaucrat, Garza blithely informed the
court that “previously gathered evidence was not retained,” that the
limitations period has now run, and that “the office will make arrangements
for releas[ing]” Evans’s confiscated phone. Appellee Letter to Ct., June 15,
2026, Dkt. 106. That assurance of mootness apparently sufficed to defeat the
en banc poll.
But it did not vacate the panel opinion in this case. But see United
States v. Munsingwear, Inc., 340 U.S. 36, 39–41 (1950); S. Shapiro, K.
Geller, T. Bishop, E. Hartnett, & D. Himmelfarb,
Supreme Court Practice § 19.5 (11th ed. 2019). Nor did it give future
would-be speakers in Austin any assurance that they can participate freely in
public policy debates without worrying about ham-fisted local prosecutors
who’ll abuse state law to suppress conservative speech. Kafka’s Inspector
said, “I can’t even confirm that you are charged with an offense, or rather I
don’t know whether you are. You are under arrest certainly, more than that
I do not know.” Franz Kafka, The Trial 16–17 (1956 ed.). That was
not supposed to be an instruction manual.
15