NetChoice v. Attorney General, State of Georgia
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit
Date FiledOctober 15, 2026
Docket25-12436
StatusPublished
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Full Opinion
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FOR PUBLICATION
In the
United States Court of Appeals
For the Eleventh Circuit
____________________
No. 25-12436
____________________
NETCHOICE,
Plaintiff-Appellee,
versus
ATTORNEY GENERAL, STATE OF GEORGIA,
Defendant-Appellant.
____________________
Appeal from the United States District Court
for the Northern District of Georgia
D.C. Docket No. 1:25-cv-02422-AT
____________________
Before NEWSOM, LUCK, and TJOFLAT, Circuit Judges.
NEWSOM, Circuit Judge:
The State of Georgia recently enacted SB 351 to restrict mi-
nors’ ability to create accounts on social-media platforms. The law
requires platforms within its ambit to verify the ages of all their
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2 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
users, to prohibit minors under the age of 16 from creating ac-
counts without their parents’ consent, and to limit the personal
data they use to display ads to users under 16.
NetChoice, an Internet trade organization, sued the state,
alleging that SB 351 violates the First Amendment both on its face
and as applied to its members, is unconstitutionally vague, and is
preempted by § 230 of the Communications Decency Act. Finding
that it lacked sufficient facts to evaluate an as-applied challenge, the
district court decided NetChoice’s facial First Amendment, vague-
ness, and preemption challenges. The court concluded that SB 351
likely violated the First Amendment on its face, was unconstitu-
tionally vague, and was preempted by § 230, and accordingly en-
joined the state from enforcing it. Before us, the state contends
(1) that NetChoice lacks standing to challenge SB 351; (2) that
NetChoice has failed to make out a facial First Amendment chal-
lenge; (3) that all challenged provisions of SB 351 are likely consti-
tutional and not preempted; and (4) that NetChoice has failed to
meet the remaining requirements for obtaining a preliminary in-
junction.
We hold as follows: NetChoice has associational standing
to challenge SB 351’s validity on behalf of its members. However,
NetChoice has failed to carry the burden it bears in connection
with its facial First Amendment challenge under Moody v.
NetChoice, LLC, 603 U.S. 707 (2024). Nor has it shown a likelihood
of success on the merits with respect to its vagueness or § 230 chal-
lenges. Because we hold that NetChoice’s facial First Amendment
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25-12436 Opinion of the Court 3
challenge fails on Moody grounds, we needn’t address the merits of
its First Amendment claim or the remaining preliminary-injunction
factors.
I
A
SB 351 regulates social-media platforms. In particular, the
law requires covered platforms (1) to “make commercially reason-
able efforts to verify the age[s] of account holders”; (2) to prohibit
minors under 16 years of age from holding accounts without their
parents’ consent; and (3) to bar the display of ads to accountholders
under 16 based on any personal information other than their ages
and locations. Ga. Code Ann. §§ 39-6-2(a), (c), 39-6-3(1) (2026).
SB 351 defines “social media platform” in general terms: “an
online forum that allows an account holder to create a profile, up-
load posts, view and listen to posts, form mutual connections, and
interact publicly and privately with other account holders and us-
ers.” Id. § 39-6-1(6).
That definition, though, is subject to a raft of enumerated
exceptions, which we mention here because NetChoice contends
that some of them discriminate on the basis of expressive content
and thus presumptively violate the First Amendment. As defined
by SB 351, a “social media platform” does not include any “online
service, website, or application where the predominant or exclu-
sive function is” any of the following: “[e]mail”; “[a] streaming ser-
vice”; “[n]ews, sports, entertainment, or other content that is pre-
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4 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
selected by the provider and not user generated”; “[o]nline shop-
ping or ecommerce”; “[i]nteractive gaming [or] virtual gaming”;
“[p]hotograph editing”; “[s]ingle-purpose community groups for
public safety”; “[b]usiness-to-business software”; “[t]eleconferenc-
ing or videoconferencing services”; “[c]loud storage”; “[s]hared
document collaboration”; “[c]loud computing services”; “[p]rovid-
ing access to or interacting with data visualization platforms, librar-
ies, or hubs”; “[p]ermitting comments on a digital news website”;
“[p]roviding or obtaining technical support”; “[a]cademic, schol-
arly, or genealogical research”; “[i]nternet access and broadband
service”; “[a] classified advertising service . . . [p]ermitting only the
sale of goods” and “[p]rohibiting the solicitation of personal ser-
vices”; “[a]n online service, website, or application that is used by
or under the direction of an educational entity, including a learning
management system, student engagement program, or subject- or
skill-specific program”; “[p]eer-to-peer payments”; or “[c]areer de-
velopment opportunities.” Id. §§ 39-6-1(6)(A), (C)–(V). Also ex-
cluded from the definition of “social media platform” is any “ser-
vice that . . . does not permit minors to use the platform and uti-
lizes commercially reasonable age assurance mechanisms to deter
minors from becoming account holders.” Id. § 39-6-1(6)(B).
B
On May 1, 2025, two months before SB 351 was slated to
take effect, NetChoice brought facial and as-applied First Amend-
ment challenges to the law’s pertinent provisions. It also claimed
that SB 351 was unconstitutionally vague and that the law was
preempted by § 230 of the Communications Decency Act. On the
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same day, NetChoice sought a preliminary injunction to prevent
SB 351’s enforcement.
Following a hearing, the district court granted NetChoice’s
preliminary-injunction motion. As relevant here, the court issued
four key rulings. First, it held that NetChoice had “associational”
standing to sue on its members’ behalf. Second, the court con-
cluded that NetChoice had third-party standing to assert the rights
of its members’ users. Third, the court determined that it lacked
the necessary “factual record” to adjudicate an as-applied First
Amendment claim and, accordingly, that it would consider only
NetChoice’s facial First Amendment challenge. 1 Dist. Ct. Order at
17, June 26, 2025, Dkt. No. 34 (“An as-applied challenge necessarily
requires the development of a factual record for the court to con-
sider, which does not exist in the pre-enforcement context. The
1 The district court’s refusal to address NetChoice’s as-applied challenge dif-
ferentiates this case from CCIA v. Uthmeier, No. 25-11881, which was orally ar-
gued before us on the same day. In CCIA, two Internet trade organizations—
one of which is NetChoice—sued to enjoin the enforcement of a Florida law
that restricts minors’ creation of social-media accounts. See CCIA v. Uthmeier,
826 F. Supp. 3d 1358, 1364–66 (N.D. Fla. 2025). There, though, the district
court preliminarily enjoined the law both on its face and as applied to the plain-
tiffs’ members, enabling us to consider both challenges. Id. at 1383 (“Florida’s
law cannot meet [intermediate scrutiny], either facially or as applied.”); see also
CCIA v. Uthmeier, No. 25-11881, 2025 WL 3458571, at *1 (11th Cir. Nov. 25,
2025) (“[T]he district court granted [CCIA’s] request for a broad preliminary
injunction preventing the State from enforcing its laws against parties and non-
parties alike.” (emphasis added)). Because the district court here preliminarily
enjoined SB 351 only on its face, we consider only NetChoice’s facial chal-
lenge.
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6 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
[c]ourt thus focuses on Plaintiff’s facial challenge to the Act.” (cita-
tion modified)). And fourth, the court held that NetChoice was
likely to succeed on the merits of its three claims. In particular, it
concluded that SB 351 was likely (1) a content-based speech re-
striction that failed strict scrutiny, (2) unconstitutionally vague, and
(3) preempted by § 230. Finding that NetChoice had also met the
remaining requirements for obtaining a preliminary injunction, the
court enjoined the state from enforcing the challenged provisions
of SB 351.
Our analysis proceeds in two parts. First, we address the
state’s challenge to NetChoice’s assertion of associational standing
to sue on behalf of its members. 2 Second, we evaluate whether
2 As just noted, the district court also concluded that NetChoice had third-
party standing to vindicate the rights of its members’ users, see supra at 5, and
NetChoice continues to press that position on appeal, see, e.g., Br. of Appellee
at 52–54 (arguing that “NetChoice has prudential standing to raise the First
Amendment rights of social media website users”); accord, e.g., Compl. ¶ 87
(“There can be no dispute that . . . the Act imposes a platform-wide burden on
users’ right to engage in [protected] speech.” (citation modified)). But as
NetChoice itself concedes, see Br. of Appellee at 51, if it has associational stand-
ing to maintain its own First Amendment challenge, we needn’t address the
separate question whether it has third-party standing to pursue claims on be-
half of its members’ users. Because, for reasons we will explain, we conclude
that NetChoice does have associational standing, we decline to address the
third-party-standing question. Cf. PDK Lab’ys Inc. v. DEA, 362 F.3d 786, 799
(D.C. Cir. 2004) (Roberts, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judg-
ment) (recognizing “the cardinal principle of judicial restraint—if it is not nec-
essary to decide more, it is necessary not to decide more”).
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NetChoice has shown that it has a likelihood of success on the mer-
its of its various claims.
II
“Article III standing is a ‘bedrock constitutional require-
ment.’” Food & Drug Admin. v. All. for Hippocratic Med., 602 U.S.
367, 378 (2024) (quoting United States v. Texas, 599 U.S. 670, 675
(2023)). To establish standing, “a plaintiff must demonstrate
(i) that she has suffered or likely will suffer an injury in fact, (ii) that
the injury likely was caused or will be caused by the defendant, and
(iii) that the injury likely would be redressed by the requested judi-
cial relief.” Id. at 380. 3
NetChoice asserts standing to vindicate the First Amend-
ment rights of its members—i.e., the social-media platforms. The
Supreme Court has recognized that “an organization may sue to
redress its members’ injuries” under what is known as “associa-
tional standing.” United Food & Com. Workers Union Loc. 751 v.
Brown Grp., 517 U.S. 544, 552 (1996). It’s a “form of third-party
standing” that arguably “relax[es] both the injury and redressability
requirements for Article III standing.” All. for Hippocratic Med., 602
U.S. at 398–99 (Thomas, J., concurring).
Under associational-standing principles, an organization
may sue on its members’ behalf when (1) “its members would oth-
erwise have standing to sue in their own right,” (2) “the interests it
3 “We review the legal question of standing de novo.” Charles H. Wesley Educ.
Found. v. Cox, 408 F.3d 1349, 1351 (11th Cir. 2005).
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8 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
seeks to protect are germane to the organization’s purpose,” and
(3) “neither the claim asserted nor the relief requested requires the
participation of individual members in the lawsuit.” Brown Grp.,
517 U.S. at 553 (quoting Hunt v. Wash. State Apple Advert. Comm’n,
432 U.S. 333, 343 (1977)).
Only the third, individual-participation requirement is at is-
sue in this case. The Supreme Court has called it a “judicially self-
imposed” limit that aims to serve “administrative convenience and
efficiency.” Id. at 555–57. Unlike the first two prongs, which are
“constitutional necessit[ies],” this third prong is “prudential.” Id. at
555–56. Meeting it rebuts the “background presumption” that a
litigant (here, NetChoice) may not assert the rights of absent third
parties (here, its member platforms). Id. at 557.
In similar circumstances, a number of other courts have held
that NetChoice satisfies the associational standing test’s individual-
participation prong. See NetChoice, L.L.C. v. Fitch, 134 F.4th 799, 805
(5th Cir. 2025) (“NetChoice’s ‘claims can be proven by evidence
from representative injured members’ and ‘the participation of
[certain] individual members does not thwart associational stand-
ing.’” (quoting Ass’n of Am. Physicians & Surgeons, Inc. v. Tex. Med.
Bd., 627 F.3d 547, 552 (5th Cir. 2010))); CCIA v. Paxton, 747 F. Supp.
3d 1011, 1030 (W.D. Tex. 2024), aff’d in relevant part, 184 F.4th 420,
445 (5th Cir. 2026); NetChoice, LLC v. Murrill, 812 F. Supp. 3d 594,
629–31 (M.D. La. 2025); NetChoice, LLC v. Reyes, 748 F. Supp. 3d
1105, 1118–19 (D. Utah 2024); NetChoice, LLC v. Griffin, 2023 WL
5660155, at *10 (W.D. Ark. Aug. 31, 2023). We agree with them.
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The state argues that NetChoice lacks associational standing
because, on the merits, its First Amendment claim “requir[es] a
fact-intensive individual inquiry.” Br. of Appellant at 22. For sup-
port, it cites Harris v. McRae, 448 U.S. 297, 321 (1980), and Georgia
Cemetery Ass’n v. Cox, 353 F.3d 1319, 1322 (11th Cir. 2003). But both
cases are distinguishable. In Harris, a pro-choice division of a reli-
gious organization asserted that federal abortion-funding re-
strictions violated the First Amendment’s Free Exercise Clause.
448 U.S. at 321. The Supreme Court held that the group couldn’t
proceed under an associational-standing theory because adjudicat-
ing the free-exercise issues would necessarily entail an inquiry into
whether and to what extent the restrictions operated coercively on
particular members. Id. In Georgia Cemetery, a cemetery associa-
tion brought a Takings Clause challenge to a law capping fees for
the transfer of burial rights. 353 F.3d at 1322. We held that the
group couldn’t assert associational standing because resolving its
takings claim required the participation of its members. “[T]he
economic impact,” we reasoned, “will vary depending upon the
economic circumstances of” particular cemeteries. Id. Generally,
whether a violation occurred in the regulatory-takings context re-
quires an individualized inquiry into whether each affected party
was denied the compensation it was due. Tahoe-Sierra Pres. Council
v. Tahoe Reg’l Plan. Agency, 535 U.S. 302, 322 (2002) (characterizing
regulatory-takings jurisprudence as entailing “‘essentially ad hoc,
factual inquiries,’ designed to allow ‘careful examination and
weighing of all the relevant circumstances’” (citation modified)).
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This case is different. While free-exercise and takings claims
require consideration of the laws’ effects on individual parties,
NetChoice’s free-speech claim, which it brings on behalf of its
member platforms, turns on whether SB 351 implicates the First
Amendment, whether it is content neutral or content based, and
whether it is appropriately tailored to the asserted state interest—
inquiries that don’t depend on fact-intensive determinations re-
garding the member platforms. Nor does NetChoice’s requested
remedy require the individual members’ participation—for the
simple reason that it seeks declaratory and injunctive relief, rather
than damages. See Brown Grp., 517 U.S. at 553–54 (“If in a proper
case the association seeks a declaration, injunction or some other
form of prospective relief, it can reasonably be supposed that the
remedy, if granted, will inure to the benefit of those members of
the association actually injured.” (citation modified)).
The state argues that, even in the free-speech context,
NetChoice’s claim can’t be resolved without the participation of its
member platforms. That, the state says, is so for two reasons:
(1) NetChoice has a “diverse” membership, and (2) some of
NetChoice’s members allegedly host pornographic content, mean-
ing that different levels of First Amendment scrutiny may apply to
different platforms. At least for purposes of resolving the threshold
associational-standing issue, we are satisfied that NetChoice’s
members’ participation isn’t required.
First, the state argues that NetChoice’s members differ from
one another in terms of their content (some are “messaging-driven
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applications like Snapchat,” others are “neighborhood-focused
platforms like Nextdoor”), their size (some are “massive corpora-
tions” like Meta, others are “small, niche platform[s]” like Dream-
width), and their ability to verify age and obtain parental consent
(some have the technology, others don’t). Br. of Appellant at 23–
24. The state insists that these variations trigger different First
Amendment analyses for different members.
For support, Georgia relies on Free Speech Coalition, Inc. v. At-
torney General United States, 974 F.3d 408 (3d Cir. 2020), to show that
a trade association’s diverse membership can necessitate individual
members’ participation and thereby foreclose associational stand-
ing. We think that case is distinguishable. In that case, two trade
groups, among other plaintiffs, challenged on First Amendment
grounds federal laws requiring “producers of pornography to ver-
ify the age and identity of each person portrayed, to keep records
of the age verification, and to label each depiction with the location
where law enforcement may obtain those records.” Id. at 413. One
of the associations, Free Speech Coalition, “represent[ed] more
than 1,000 member businesses and individuals involved in the pro-
duction and distribution of adult materials,” id. at 416 n.3, which—
importantly—“rang[ed] from directors, producers, writers, camer-
amen, and lighting technicians, to sellers,” id. at 422. The other
group represented “some 400” photographers across a “broad
range of genres.” Id. (citation modified). The Third Circuit held
that those two plaintiffs couldn’t establish associational standing
because the “diversity of circumstances” that they represented
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12 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
meant that the challenged laws imposed different burdens on dif-
ferent group members. Id. at 422.
NetChoice’s covered members are more homogeneous
than in the Third Circuit’s Free Speech Coalition case; all of them are
social-media platforms. Whereas the law at issue in that case may
well have affected, say, a director in a different way than a lighting
tech, SB 351 imposes the same burden on all covered platforms by
requiring them to institute age-verification measures and to obtain
parental consent for minors—regardless of any particular plat-
form’s content, size, or technological ability.
Second, and separately, the state argues that NetChoice
can’t satisfy the associational-standing test’s individualized-partici-
pation prong because “there is a question as to each member
whether SB 351 applies to it at all.” Br. of Appellant at 24. More
specifically, the state asserts that “[c]ertain NetChoice members,
such as Reddit and X, allow pornography . . . rais[ing] distinct ques-
tions about SB 351’s application to those members.” Reply Br. of
Appellant at 4. What the state seems to mean is that SB 351’s ap-
plication to pornographic content on a platform would be subject
to a different constitutional analysis than its application to fully pro-
tected speech, even on the same platform. That is so because, as
the Supreme Court recently clarified, pornography enjoys no First
Amendment protection at all with respect to minors, and, accord-
ingly, a law that requires proof of age to access such speech is sub-
ject to intermediate, rather than strict, constitutional scrutiny be-
cause its burden on adults is incidental. Free Speech Coal. v. Paxton,
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606 U.S. 461, 477–83 (2025) (holding that a Texas law requiring por-
nographic websites to verify users’ ages was subject only to inter-
mediate scrutiny). Therefore, the state’s argument goes, a court
would apply intermediate scrutiny to SB 351’s application to any
pornographic content on X, but strict scrutiny to its application to
political or religious speech on the same platform. Those sorts of
distinctions, the state insists, necessitate a platform-by-platform
analysis and, therefore, the individual members’ participation.
The state is on to something—as our ensuing Moody analysis
reflects. See infra at 15–17 & n.4. But at least at the threshold stand-
ing stage, we think the state is making too much of too little.
NetChoice’s members “host a staggering amount of content,” not
remotely all of which, happily, is pornographic. Moody, 603 U.S. at
719. Because standing is a gateway issue, and because the associa-
tional-standing test’s individual-participation prong is a prophylac-
tic, “judicially self-imposed” limit, we are willing to assume for pre-
sent purposes that the content hosted by social-media platforms
comprises mostly protected speech. Brown Grp., 517 U.S. at 555–
57. Doing so makes sense given the rule that when we assess stand-
ing, we “assume that on the merits the plaintiff[] would be success-
ful in [its] claims.” Romano v. John Hancock Life Ins. Co., 120 F.4th
729, 737 (11th Cir. 2024) (citation modified). Accordingly, at least
for the purposes of evaluating standing, the alleged presence of a
marginal amount of unprotected speech on some of the platforms
doesn’t undermine NetChoice’s ability as an association to repre-
sent the interests of its members.
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14 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
We thus hold that NetChoice has associational standing to
pursue a First Amendment challenge on behalf of its members.
III
Having concluded that NetChoice has associational stand-
ing, we now consider whether it has shown a likelihood of success
on the merits of its claims. NetChoice challenges SB 351 on three
grounds: that it (a) violates the First Amendment, (b) is unconstitu-
tionally vague, and (c) is preempted by § 230 of the Communica-
tions Decency Act. We consider them in turn.
A
First up, the First Amendment—and, more particularly, the
rules that the Supreme Court recently reiterated regarding facial
First Amendment challenges. Spoiler alert: This is where most of
the action is.
As the Supreme Court warned in Moody, the decision to
mount a facial challenge “comes at a cost.” 603 U.S. at 723. Be-
cause “facial challenges threaten to short circuit the democratic
process,” they are, by design, “hard to win.” Id. (citation modified);
see also id. at 745 (Barrett, J., concurring) (“[D]ealing with a broad
swath of varied platforms and functions in a facial challenge strikes
me as a daunting, if not impossible, task.”); id. at 748 (Jackson, J.,
concurring in part and concurring in the judgment) (“[P]laintiffs
bringing a facial challenge must clear a high bar.”); id. at 778 (Alito,
J., concurring in the judgment) (“[P]arties mounting facial attacks
[must] satisfy demanding requirements.”). Even in First Amend-
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25-12436 Opinion of the Court 15
ment cases, where the facial-challenge bar is lower than it other-
wise might be, the plaintiff must show that “a substantial number
of [the law’s] applications are unconstitutional, judged in relation
to the statute’s plainly legitimate sweep.” Id. at 723 (majority opin-
ion) (quoting Ams. for Prosperity Found. v. Bonta, 594 U.S. 595, 615
(2021)).
To conduct the required Moody analysis, a reviewing court
proceeds in two steps. First, it must “assess the state laws’ scope,”
asking, “What activities, by what actors, do the laws prohibit or
otherwise regulate?” Id. at 724. Having done that, the court must
then “decide which of the laws’ applications violate the First
Amendment, and . . . measure them against the rest.” Id. at 725.
To succeed on a facial challenge, a plaintiff must show that “the
law’s unconstitutional applications substantially outweigh its con-
stitutional ones.” Id. at 724.
NetChoice contends that it has satisfied the first step by iden-
tifying the “kinds of websites” regulated by SB 351—social-media
platforms. Br. of Appellee at 38 (emphasis in original). In its view,
the Supreme Court has already held that social-media platforms en-
gage in protected First Amendment activity, citing Packingham v.
North Carolina, 582 U.S. 98 (2017). Id. at 37. The Court there,
NetChoice says, deemed the “identifiable set of ‘actors’ (‘social me-
dia’ websites) and ‘activities’ (access to those websites and their
speech dissemination)” as “fully protected.” Id. Thus, NetChoice
continues, it’s not necessary for facial-challenge purposes that it
provide an “exhaustive census of every possibly covered website”
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16 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
because the first Moody step goes to “how much protected speech
[SB 351] restricts.” Id. at 38–39 (emphasis in original). Quoting
Packingham, NetChoice contends that “it ‘is enough’ that the Act
restricts access ‘to social networking sites.’” Id. (citing Packingham,
582 U.S. at 106–07).
We think NetChoice is overreading Packingham. The Court
there didn’t hold that the sheer fact that a law restricts access to
“social networking sites” was “enough” to establish that law’s
scope for facial-challenge purposes. Rather, the Court assumed that
the law at issue applied to “social networking sites,” and deter-
mined based on that assumption that the law at issue wasn’t nar-
rowly tailored. Packingham, 582 U.S. at 106–08. Put simply, Pack-
ingham was about the merits of the plaintiff’s First Amendment
claim, not whether that plaintiff had satisfied its burden of making
out a facial challenge.
And in fact, it’s not necessarily true that social-media web-
sites engage exclusively in “fully protected” speech. The state con-
tends (and no one seems to dispute) that some platforms, like X and
Reddit, do host at least some pornography—which is protected for
adults but, importantly, not for minors. See Free Speech Coal., 606
U.S. at 485. We agree with the state that SB 351’s application (if
any) to sites like X and Reddit raises different First Amendment
questions than its application to others. See Br. of Appellant at 57.
As we conceptualize things, the universe of SB 351’s applications is
actually properly divided into three categories: (1) what we’ll call
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25-12436 Opinion of the Court 17
“conventional” platforms that host fully protected speech; (2) “hy-
brid” platforms that for the most part host protected speech but
also allow some potentially unprotected pornography, like X and
Reddit; and (3) “rogue” platforms that host exclusively unprotected
speech—think the hypothetical “Incitement.com” or “True-
Threats.com.” See Oral Arg. 12:15–12:49. Because NetChoice
hasn’t accounted for both the protected and unprotected speech on
various platforms—or else adequately shown that SB 351 applies
only to platforms that only host protected speech—it hasn’t estab-
lished (or properly grappled with) the full scope of actors and activ-
ities regulated by SB 351. 4
NetChoice also argues that it has satisfied Moody’s second
step—showing that SB 351’s unconstitutional applications far out-
weigh its constitutional ones—because, it says, “[a]ll aspects of
[SB 351’s] speech regulations, in every application to a covered so-
cial media company, raise the same First Amendment issues.” Br.
of Appellee at 40 (citation modified). And even if not in every appli-
cation, then at the very least, NetChoice insists, SB 351’s “‘legiti-
mate sweep’ is marginal at best.” Id. Therefore, the argument
goes, restricting access to “countless posts of fully protected
4 The careful reader will note that our analysis here—in terms of requiring
proof of the full range of SB 351’s applications—is more rigorous than it was
when we were gauging NetChoice’s associational standing to sue. See supra at
13. Because standing is a threshold inquiry with a prudential element, and
because a standing analysis necessarily assumes that the plaintiff will succeed
on the merits of its claim, we were willing to make common-sense assump-
tions there that we don’t think we can make here.
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18 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
speech” “‘substantially outweigh[s]’ any possible constitutional ap-
plications to unprotected speech.” Id.
But it’s not that simple. Even if most expression on most so-
cial-media platforms is protected by the First Amendment, not all
of it is, at least not with respect to all users. Depending on the type
of speech each platform hosts, a different level of scrutiny may well
apply, leading to different determinations about the constitutional-
ity of SB 351’s applications.
Recall our discussion of the three categories. A content-
based law restricting children’s access to fully protected speech—
on “conventional” platforms—would trigger strict scrutiny. The
same law restricting children’s access to pornographic material,
which is unprotected for minors, see Free Speech Coal., 606 U.S. at
478, 483, would trigger intermediate scrutiny—which, at least in
theory, could apply to “hybrid” platforms like X or Reddit. And the
same law restricting children’s (or anyone’s) access to completely
unprotected speech—on “rogue” platforms like “Incitement.com”
or “TrueThreats.com”—wouldn’t implicate the First Amendment
at all and would trigger only rational-basis review. Accordingly,
even if SB 351 “imposes the same restriction” on every platform,
that restriction could well be subject to different levels of scrutiny,
potentially leading to different outcomes.
NetChoice insists that the state hasn’t shown that the First
Amendment doesn’t apply in all of SB 351’s applications. See Oral
Arg. 16:25–16:40 (“The state has never suggested some website
where there’s literally no protected speech, and that’s what you
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25-12436 Opinion of the Court 19
would need to have this law not implicate it.”). But in a facial-chal-
lenge posture, we don’t think it’s the state’s obligation to do so.
Rather, the Supreme Court seems to have put the “burden”
squarely on the plaintiff: As the “price” of its “decision to challenge
the law[] as a whole,” the challenger must “carry its burden” of
demonstrating that the invalid applications substantially outweigh
the valid ones. Moody, 603 U.S. at 744. We acknowledge the dis-
tinct possibility that SB 351 overwhelmingly applies to platforms
that overwhelmingly host protected speech. And if SB 351’s appli-
cation to those websites would be unconstitutional, then the law’s
unconstitutional applications would probably substantially out-
weigh the constitutional ones. But however intuitive, that sort of
impressionistic judgment won’t satisfy Moody’s stringent demands.
Whether or not it is likely that the collective content of the plat-
forms within SB 351’s ambit is overwhelmingly protected,
NetChoice bears the “burden” of demonstrating both (1) the uni-
verse of the law’s applications and (2) that the invalid applications
substantially outweigh the valid ones. See id.
NetChoice insists that it’s the “[g]overnment’s burden to
prove the constitutionality of its actions” as part of the First
Amendment tailoring analysis. Br. of Appellee at 41–42 (citation
modified). In particular, NetChoice contends that SB 351’s cover-
age of platforms with varying amounts of protected and unpro-
tected speech simply illustrates that the state needs to more pre-
cisely “tailor [its] law to the rogue services.” Oral Arg. 13:33–13:40;
see also Br. of Appellee at 41 n.10 (“To the extent that such unpro-
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20 Opinion of the Court 25-12436
tected speech and websites are relevant, they are relevant to tailor-
ing.”). Again, that’s not quite right. NetChoice is conflating the
facial-challenge analysis with the merits of its claims. Though the
inquiries necessarily overlap, they are separate questions. A plain-
tiff might be able to meet its facial-challenge burden and yet fail to
prove its claim on the merits. Or a plaintiff might have an other-
wise meritorious claim and yet fail to carry its Moody-imposed “bur-
den” on a facial challenge. Cf. Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124, 167
(2007) (rejecting a “facial attack” against a federal statute in favor
of an as-applied challenge); L.A. Police Dep’t v. United Reporting
Publ’g Corp., 528 U.S. 32, 40–41 (1999) (holding that a facial chal-
lenge to a state statute must fail and remanding for consideration
of an as-applied claim).
To discharge its facial-challenge burden, NetChoice must
provide the reviewing court with the data—either hard fa