Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation's STEM Programs
CourtDepartment of Justice Office of Legal Counsel
Date FiledAugust 12, 2026
StatusPublished
📰 News Coverage: Read the LAWS.com news report on this case
Full Opinion
(Slip Opinion)
Constitutionality of the National Science
Foundation’s STEM Programs
Certain race- and sex-based programs administered by the National Science Foundation
violate the Constitution’s equal-protection guarantee.
August 12, 2026
MEMORANDUM OPINION FOR THE GENERAL COUNSEL
NATIONAL SCIENCE FOUNDATION
“Racial discrimination is invidious in all contexts.” Students for Fair
Admissions, Inc. v. President & Fellows of Harvard Coll., 143 S. Ct.
2141, 2166 (2023) (“SFFA”) (cleaned up). It “demeans the dignity and
worth of a person to be judged by ancestry instead of by his or her own
merit.” Id. at 2170 (citation omitted). And while sex, unlike race, can
sometimes serve as “a legitimate, accurate proxy” for certain legislative
ends, Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190, 204 (1976), it often “provides no
sensible ground for differential treatment,” City of Cleburne v. Cleburne
Living Ctr., 473 U.S. 432, 440 (1985).
Consistent with the Constitution’s equal-protection guarantee, this
Office recently reviewed federal programs that discriminate based on race
and sex. We concluded that certain Department of Education programs
allocating grants and preferences based on race were unconstitutional. See
Constitutionality of Race-Based Department of Education Programs, 49
Op. O.L.C. __ (Dec. 2, 2025) (“Race-Based Education Programs”). And
we found unconstitutional a Department of Agriculture fee waiver that
conferred “special favor based on race and sex without satisfying either
strict or heightened scrutiny.” Department of Agriculture Preferences for
“Socially Disadvantaged” Groups, 50 Op. O.L.C. __, at *24 (June 22,
2026) (“USDA Preferences”).
The National Science Foundation (“NSF” or “Foundation”) administers
several STEM education programs that allocate federal funding based on
race or sex. You have asked whether nine programs violate the Constitu-
tion’s equal-protection promise and whether NSF may reprogram funds
from any unconstitutional programs. See Letter for T. Elliot Gaiser, Assis-
tant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, from Angela R. Williams,
General Counsel, National Science Foundation (May 8, 2026) (“NSF
1
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
Letter”); see also E-mail for Josh Craddock, Deputy Assistant Attorney
General, Office of Legal Counsel, from William S. Grant II, Assistant
General Counsel, National Science Foundation, Re: [EXTERNAL] RE:
Inquiry from US National Science Foundation OGC (July 10, 2026, 10:12
AM).
We conclude that three programs—the Improving Undergraduate
STEM Education: Hispanic-Serving Institutions program, the Alliances
for Graduate Education and the Professoriate program, and the Louis
Stokes Alliances for Minority Participation program—are unconstitutional
in their entirety. NSF may not reprogram the funds appropriated for these
programs, but the suballocation for each is unconstitutional as applied,
permitting NSF to treat the allocated amounts as residual funds within the
STEM education lump-sum appropriation. The remaining six programs
are either constitutional or contain severable race- or sex-based elements.
NSF may continue to administer those programs provided that it does not
implement or enforce the unconstitutional provisions.
We summarize our conclusions as to each program in the following
table:
Unconstitutional Unconstitutional and
Constitutional
but severable criteria inseverable criteria
• Tribal Colleges • Advanced • Improving
and Universities Technological Undergraduate
Program Education STEM Education:
Hispanic-Serving
• Graduate Research • ADVANCE Program
Institutions
Fellowship
Program • Alliances for Graduate
Education and the
• Advancing
Professoriate
Informal STEM
Learning • Louis Stokes Alliances
for Minority
• Robert Noyce
Participation
Teacher
Scholarship
Program
2
Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation’s STEM Programs
I.
Congress established NSF in 1950 to create and administer scientific
research and education programs in STEM disciplines. 42 U.S.C.
§ 1862(a)(1); see also National Science Foundation Act of 1950, Pub. L.
No. 81-507, 64 Stat. 149 (“NSF Act”). Congress empowered NSF to
award “scholarships and graduate fellowships for study and research in
the sciences or in engineering” and to make “contracts or other arrange-
ments (including grants, loans, and other forms of assistance) to support
such scientific, engineering, and educational activities.” 42 U.S.C.
§ 1862(a)(2), (1). Certain statutory provisions more specifically address
NSF’s STEM education programs. Several require (or potentially require)
NSF to allocate funding based on race or sex.
Until recently, NSF exercised broad discretion in allocating STEM
education appropriations across its programs. Congress funded STEM
education activities through a lump-sum appropriation without any
program-specific spending requirements. See, e.g., Pub. L. No. 117-328,
136 Stat. 4459, 4550 (2022); Pub. L. No. 118-83, 138 Stat. 1524 (2024)
(continuing resolution). Congress ostensibly limited that discretion in
early 2026. “For the first time in recent years,” NSF Letter at 1, the annu-
al appropriation required NSF to spend certain amounts on enumerated
STEM programs—some of which include race- and sex-based criteria. See
Science Appropriations Act, 2026, Pub. L. No. 119-74, div. A, tit. III, 140
Stat. 40, 45 (“Science Appropriations Act”). Of the nearly $1 billion
appropriated for STEM education, NSF must allocate “not less than” the
following amounts, id., for each program:
3
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
172 Cong. Rec. H266 (daily ed. Jan. 8, 2026); see also Pub. L. No. 119-
74, § 4, 140 Stat. at 5–6.
You have asked whether NSF may administer programs containing
race- or sex-based criteria. See NSF Letter at 3. “Given NSF’s obligation
to spend its 2026 budget,” id. at 2, you have also asked whether the Foun-
dation “may reprogram funds for programs which cannot be carried out
consistent with” the Constitution’s equal-protection guarantee, id. at 1.
II.
Under “our colorblind Constitution,” Allen v. Milligan, 146 S. Ct. 1377,
1380 (2026) (per curiam), “[a]ny allocation of benefits and burdens based
on a person’s race is anathema,” Race-Based Education Programs at *2.
For that reason, “the Constitution almost never permits the Federal Gov-
ernment or a State to discriminate on the basis of race.” Louisiana v.
Callais, 146 S. Ct. 1131, 1152 (2026). And while “real biological differ-
ences between men and women” can sometimes justify sex-based classifi-
cations, USDA Preferences at *8, “sex-based lines too often reflect stereo-
types or overbroad generalizations about the differences between men and
women,” United States v. Skrmetti, 145 S. Ct. 1816, 1828 (2025).
Our Office recently expounded upon the legal standards that guide
our review of race- and sex-based government action. See Race-Based
Education Programs at *2–13; USDA Preferences at *8–11. We therefore
offer here only a brief summation of the relevant standards. We begin
with (A) the contours of strict scrutiny, turn to (B) the complexities of
equal-protection doctrine as applied to Indians, address (C) intermediate
scrutiny for sex-based classifications, and conclude by (D) describing the
severability framework.
4
Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation’s STEM Programs
A.
Because racial distinctions “are by their very nature odious to a free
people,” Callais, 146 S. Ct. at 1153 (citation omitted), the strict scrutiny
standard of review applies whenever the federal government adopts a
racial classification, Race-Based Education Programs at *4; see also
Johnson v. California, 543 U.S. 499, 505–06 (2005). That “daunting”
two-step test, SFFA, 143 S. Ct. at 2162 (citation omitted), permits such
classifications only if they “further compelling governmental interests”
and are strictly necessary to achieve those interests. Race-Based Educa-
tion Programs at *4 (citation omitted).
There are “only two compelling interests” that justify “race-based gov-
ernment action,” one of which is relevant here: “remediating specific,
identified instances of past discrimination that violated the Constitution or
a statute.” SFFA, 143 S. Ct. at 2162; accord Callais, 146 S. Ct. at 1152. 1
The government “must identify the specific instances of past discrimina-
tion that it aims to remediate” and define the injury to be remedied; it has
“no compelling interest in generally remediating ‘past discrimination’” or
societal disparities. Callais, 146 S. Ct. at 1152–53 (citation omitted).
Mere “statistical disparities don’t cut it.” Race-Based Education Pro-
grams at *7 (cleaned up). After identifying specific episodes of discrimi-
nation, the government must also possess “‘a strong basis in evidence’ to
conclude” that race-based action is “necessary” to remedy the violation.
Callais, 146 S. Ct. at 1153 (citation omitted).
Even when a compelling interest exists, narrow tailoring imposes
an “extraordinarily onerous” burden. Id. at 1161 (citation omitted).
The government must show that racial distinctions are “necessary”
to achieving its purpose. Race-Based Education Programs at *7 (quoting
SFFA, 143 S. Ct. at 2162). Relevant considerations include whether the
program: (1) operates flexibly rather than as “a per se unconstitutional
quota”; (2) reflects genuine consideration of “workable race-neutral
alternatives”; (3) has “definite duration” and “undergoes ‘periodic re-
view’”; (4) employs “‘arbitrary or undefined’ racial categories”; and
(5) “minimize[s] the burden on other racial groups.” Id. at *7–8 (citations
1 The other compelling interest, irrelevant here, is “avoiding imminent and serious
risks to human safety in prisons, such as a race riot.” Callais, 146 S. Ct. at 1152 (citation
omitted).
5
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
omitted). Racial classifications used “to allocate zero-sum benefits” are
subject to additional skepticism. Id. at *8; see also SFFA, 143 S. Ct. at
2168–69. In all but “the most extraordinary case,” SFFA, 143 S. Ct. at
2163, strict scrutiny of racial classifications is “automatically fatal,”
Race-Based Education Programs at *47 (citation omitted).
B.
“Equal-protection questions are especially nuanced” when federal pref-
erences involve “Indian tribes and other native peoples.” Id. at *8. The
challenge there is distinguishing between political classifications tied to
tribal sovereignty (which are subject to rational-basis review) and racial
classifications tied to ethnicity (which are subject to strict scrutiny). See
id. at *9–10 (citing Morton v. Mancari, 417 U.S. 535, 553–54 (1974)).
Preferences tied to the “government-to-government relationship . . .
between the United States and recognized Indian tribes” fall within the
Mancari exception to strict scrutiny. Id. at *9. But preferences based
solely on Indian ethnicity, without a meaningful connection to sovereign-
ty, constitute racial classifications that are subject to strict scrutiny. See
id. at *9–13.
Two factors guide that distinction. “First, the distinction must be drawn
based on membership, citizenship, or a similar affiliation in a federally
recognized political entity.” Id. at *10. Preferences for Alaska Natives
may satisfy this requirement when tied to affiliation with “‘federally
recognized Alaska Native villages’ . . . listed on the Department of the
Interior registry of recognized Native entities.” Id. at *11 (citation omit-
ted). By contrast, Native Hawaiian or Native Pacific Islander classifica-
tions cannot satisfy this requirement because there are “no federally
recognized Native Hawaiian or Native Pacific Islander political entities
with which the United States has maintained a government-to-government
relationship.” Id.
“Second, we consider whether the preference involves uniquely Indian
interests—such as Indian lands, treaties, and political institutions—or
whether the program merely includes Indians along the way to broader
purposes that overshoot Congress’[s] unique obligation toward the Indi-
ans.” Id. at *12 (cleaned up). Many preferences for tribal members in-
volve an ancestry component, so the involvement of Indian ancestry does
not categorically render a preference for tribal members unlawful. See
6
Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation’s STEM Programs
United States v. Antelope, 430 U.S. 641, 645 (1977). Were it otherwise,
Mancari would be a dead letter, because “even when federal classifica-
tions turn solely on formal tribal citizenship, tribal citizenship laws typi-
cally include an ancestry component.” 1 Cohen’s Handbook of Federal
Indian Law § 17.03[2][b][ii] (2024 ed.) (“Cohen’s”).
But “[a]ncestry” can also operate as an impermissible “proxy for race”
in the pursuit of general policy goals. Rice v. Cayetano, 528 U.S. 495, 514
(2000). Identifying the “uniquely Indian interests” served by the legisla-
tion—that is, the nexus to interests such as treaty rights, “Indian land[s],
tribal status, self-government[,] or culture”—helps to ensure that any
“preferential treatment for Indians” remains directly and principally
“linked to the distinctive status of Indian political institutions.” Race-
Based Education Programs at *12 (citations omitted). Such identification
guards against pretextual classifications based on tribal membership by
confirming that a classification in substance reflects the government’s
special obligations toward these quasi-sovereign entities rather than
serving some other, proscribed purpose. Cf. Haaland v. Brackeen, 143
S. Ct. 1609, 1628 (2023) (discussing Congress’s legislative power over
Indian affairs). A preference—even for tribal members—fails this factor
when, for example, its primary purpose is to achieve a generalized interest
in racial or ethnic diversity. See Race-Based Education Programs at *24.
Such purposes “do not relate to distinct federal obligations to Indians.” Id.
(cleaned up).
C.
Sex-based classifications must survive intermediate scrutiny (some-
times also called “heightened scrutiny”). See USDA Preferences at *8–11.
To meet this standard, “the government ‘must show at least that the chal-
lenged classification serves important governmental objectives and that
the discriminatory means employed are substantially related to the
achievement of those objectives.’” Id. at *9–10 (quoting United States v.
Virginia, 518 U.S. 515, 533 (1996)); accord West Virginia v. B.P.J., 146
S. Ct. 2356, 2374 (2026).
“Under this standard, sex-based preferences in government programs
will not easily satisfy equal protection’s requirements.” USDA Prefer-
ences at *10. “[M]ere findings of disparity” are insufficient. Id. (quoting
Constitutionality of Federal Government Efforts in Contracting With
7
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
Women-Owned Businesses, 32 Op. O.L.C. 23, 25 (2008) (“Women-Owned
Businesses”)). The government must identify “genuine and non-
hypothetical evidence of discrimination” within the relevant “economic
sphere.” Id. (citation omitted). Once specific episodes of relevant discrim-
ination are identified, three factors govern the substantial-relation analy-
sis. First, the sex-based means must effectively serve the posited end. See
id. Second, the program must be tailored to further that end, though not as
narrowly as for strict scrutiny. See id.; see also id. at *8. Third, “the
existence of sex-neutral alternatives” generally defeats “a sex-based
distinction.” Id. at *10–11.
D.
Unconstitutional race- or sex-based eligibility criteria can sometimes be
severed from a program’s “unobjectionable provisions.” El Paso & N.E.
Ry. Co. v. Gutierrez, 215 U.S. 87, 96 (1909). We presume severability
unless “the remaining portions of the statute either cannot function inde-
pendently . . . or ‘would not function in a manner consistent’ with Con-
gress’s intent.” Constitutionality of the Presidential Records Act, 50 Op.
O.L.C. __, at *50 (Apr. 1, 2026) (citation omitted); see also Race-Based
Education Programs at *14. This presumption is rebutted when severance
would “confer unfettered discretion on the President without sufficient
criteria to guide him,” thus rendering the remaining delegation “so broad”
that “‘Congress would have been unwilling to make the delegation’ absent
the severed criteria.” Race-Based Education Programs at *14 (quoting
Alaska Airlines, Inc. v. Brock, 480 U.S. 678, 685 (1987)).
III.
We now apply these principles to NSF’s programs. Our analysis pro-
ceeds in four parts. First, we conclude that NSF may continue to adminis-
ter the Tribal Colleges and Universities Program, which falls within the
Mancari exception to strict scrutiny. Next, we discuss three programs that
do not require NSF to consider race or sex; NSF must administer those
programs in a race- and sex-neutral fashion. Third, we address two pro-
grams that contain unconstitutional-yet-severable sex-based preferences,
allowing NSF to administer programs in a sex-neutral manner. Finally, we
identify three programs that NSF may not administer whatsoever due to
their unconstitutional, inseverable criteria.
8
Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation’s STEM Programs
A.
NSF provides awards to tribal colleges and universities (“TCUs”)
through its Tribal Colleges and Universities Program (“TCUP”). See Pub.
L. No. 111-358, § 525, 124 Stat. 3982, 4019 (2011) (codified as amended
at 42 U.S.C. § 1862p-13). In general, a TCU is “an institution of higher
education which is formally controlled, or has been formally sanctioned,
or chartered, by the governing body of an Indian tribe or tribes.” 25
U.S.C. § 1801(a)(4); see also 42 U.S.C. § 1862p-13(a); 20 U.S.C.
§ 1059c(b)(3). The TCUP definition also covers Alaska Native- and
Native Hawaiian-serving institutions. See 42 U.S.C. § 1862p-13(a); 20
U.S.C. § 1059d. An Alaska Native-serving institution must have “an
enrollment of undergraduate students that is at least 20 percent Alaska
Native students.” 20 U.S.C. § 1059d(b)(2)(B). And an Alaska Native is
any “citizen of the United States who is a person of one-fourth degree or
more Alaska Indian . . . Eskimo, or Aleut blood, or combination thereof,”
or “in the absence of proof of a minimum blood quantum, any citizen of
the United States who is regarded as an Alaska Native by the Native
village or Native group of which he claims to be a member and whose
father or mother is (or, if deceased, was) regarded as Native by any vil-
lage or group.” 43 U.S.C. § 1602(b); see also 20 U.S.C. § 7546(1). A
Native Hawaiian-serving institution must have “an enrollment of under-
graduate students that is at least 10 percent Native Hawaiian students.” 20
U.S.C. § 1059d(b)(4)(B).
In 2022, Congress directed NSF to make additional computer-science
awards to TCUs. See Pub. L. No. 117-167, § 10525(a), 136 Stat. 1366,
1625–26 (codified at 42 U.S.C. § 1862p-13(d)). These awards “bring
computer science and computational thinking courses and degrees to
[TCUs],” provide for the “development of instructional materials needed
to integrate computer science and computational thinking into programs
that are culturally relevant to students attending [TCUs],” and supply
“research, development[,] and evaluation of distance education for com-
puter science and computational thinking courses and degree programs for
students attending [TCUs].” 42 U.S.C. § 1862p-13(d)(2)(A)–(C). The
statute further says that it is intended “to increase the participation of
Tribal populations in computer science and computational thinking educa-
tion programs.” Id. § 1862p-13(d)(1).
9
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
You have asked about several TCUP features, including whether its
cross-reference to Alaska Native- and Native Hawaiian-serving institu-
tions is severable and whether its reference to “Tribal populations” creates
a race-based eligibility restriction. See NSF Letter at 5. We first discuss
the status of TCUs; support for those institutions satisfies equal-protection
requirements. We then address Alaska Native- and Native Hawaiian-
serving institutions and consider the reference to “Tribal populations” in
the computer-science subsection. Each issue is amenable to a saving
construction that preserves the program’s constitutionality.
1.
Federal law recognizes the importance of tribal sovereignty in educa-
tion, declaring a national policy “to facilitate Indian control of Indian
affairs in all matters relating to education.” 25 U.S.C. § 2011(a). TCUs
developed to meet this need when “traditional colleges were . . . too
geographically and culturally distant” to be accessible to many Indian
students. 1 Cohen’s § 23.03[2][e][i]. In 1969, the Navajo Nation became
the first to establish a tribally controlled college. Id. Other tribes fol-
lowed, but their institutions “struggl[ed] to continue without stable fund-
ing.” Id.
Congress responded with the Tribally Controlled Community College
Assistance Act of 1978, later renamed the Tribally Controlled College or
University Assistance Act (“TCCUAA”). See Pub. L. No. 95-471, 92 Stat.
1325; Pub. L. No. 105-244, § 901(b)(1), 112 Stat. 1581, 1827 (1998). In
Congress’s view, supporting tribal colleges was “part of its responsibility
to provide for Indian education and to compensate for the lack of the state
and local property taxes that typically support community colleges.”
1 Cohen’s § 23.03[2][e][i]. More broadly, TCUs were—and remain—“a
means to further the broader federal and tribal goals of tribal self-
determination.” Id. This purpose is reflected in the statutory definition of
TCU, which refers to “an institution of higher education which is formally
controlled, or has been formally sanctioned, or chartered, by the govern-
ing body of an Indian tribe or tribes.” 25 U.S.C. § 1801(a)(4). TCUs need
not admit non-Indian students, but in practice, “they do so in large num-
bers.” 1 Cohen’s § 23.03[2][e][i]. There are currently 35 accredited TCUs
in the United States. See Tribal Colleges and Universities Directory, Bur.
of Indian Affs. (updated Aug. 19, 2025), https://perma.cc/QK85-4AP2.
10
Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation’s STEM Programs
Awards to TCUs fit within the Mancari exception to strict scrutiny.
Such financial assistance is “linked to the quasi-sovereign, government-
to-government relationship” with recognized tribes and is “rooted in the
unique status of Indians as ‘a separate people’ with their own political
institutions.” Race-Based Education Programs at *9 (quoting Antelope,
430 U.S. at 646). Just as state colleges and universities are often instru-
mentalities of sovereign states, see, e.g., Mungai v. Univ. of Minn., 141
F.4th 959, 966 (8th Cir. 2025); Maliandi v. Montclair State Univ., 845
F.3d 77, 86 (3d Cir. 2016), so too are TCUs generally considered arms or
agencies of Indian tribes, see, e.g., Hagen v. Sisseton-Wahpeton Cmty.
Coll., 205 F.3d 1040, 1043 (8th Cir. 2000); Smith v. Salish Kootenai
Coll., 434 F.3d 1127, 1135 (9th Cir. 2006) (en banc). Tribes exercise a
measure of sovereignty and self-determination through TCUs, and provid-
ing awards to such institutions furthers the federal government’s unique
responsibilities toward Indians. Awards to TCUs—institutions controlled
or chartered by tribes—are even more directly related to the government-
to-government relationship between the federal government and tribal
institutions than the Bureau of Indian Affairs hiring preferences upheld in
Mancari. See 417 U.S. at 553–54.
Awards to TCUs also illustrate the work done by the “uniquely Indian
interests” factor of our analysis. See Race-Based Education Programs at
*12 (citation omitted). In general, the government cannot limit award
eligibility to institutions based on their racial composition (or the racial
composition of those who control the institution). See id. at *20; Grutter
v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306, 334 (2003); Vitolo v. Guzman, 999 F.3d 353,
363 (6th Cir. 2021) (concluding that a “requirement that a business must
be at least 51% owned by women or minorities” fails narrow tailoring).
But in certain circumstances, “‘the unique legal status of Indian tribes
under federal law’ permits the Federal Government to enact legislation
singling out tribal Indians, legislation that might otherwise be constitu-
tionally offensive.” Washington v. Confederated Bands & Tribes of the
Yakima Indian Nation, 439 U.S. 463, 500–01 (1979) (citation omitted).
TCUs fall within that exception due to their unique status as tribal instru-
mentalities, even though they may be controlled by tribes that limit mem-
bership based on ancestry. Federal support for TCUs rationally furthers
tribal self-determination and directly supports tribal institutions. See
1 Cohen’s § 23.03[2][e][i].
11
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
2.
The TCUP statute also defines TCUs to include Alaska Native- and Na-
tive Hawaiian-serving institutions, cross-referencing definitions we ad-
dressed in our Race-Based Education Programs opinion. See 42 U.S.C.
§ 1862p-13(a); 20 U.S.C. § 1059d(b); NSF Letter at 5. There, we con-
cluded that the definitions of Alaska Native- and Native Hawaiian-serving
institutions were race classifications not subject to Mancari, because the
classifications were not limited to those affiliated with federally recog-
nized tribes or villages. See Race-Based Education Programs at *22–24.
You have asked how that advice applies to the TCUP.
We start with “the unique circumstances of Alaska and its indigenous
population.” Yellen v. Confederated Tribes of the Chehalis Rsrv., 141
S. Ct. 2434, 2438 (2021). Unlike other Indians, Alaska Natives were
historically organized in “small, isolated villages,” not tribes. Confederat-
ed Tribes of the Chehalis Rsrv. v. Mnuchin, 976 F.3d 15, 18 (D.C. Cir.
2020), rev’d and remanded sub nom., Yellen, 141 S. Ct. 2434. After the
United States purchased the Territory of Alaska in 1867, the federal
government—unlike in the lower 48 states—never attempted to relocate
Alaska Natives to reservations, leaving their land claims “largely unset-
tled” for more than a century. Yellen, 141 S. Ct. at 2438–39.
Congress settled those claims in 1971 when it enacted the Alaska Na-
tive Claims Settlement Act (“ANCSA”). See Pub. L. No. 92-203, 85 Stat.
688 (codified as amended at 43 U.S.C. § 1601 et seq.). The ANCSA
extinguished Alaska Natives’ claims to land in exchange for nearly
$1 billion and 44 million acres of land. Yellen, 141 S. Ct. at 2439. Rather
than provide this compensation directly to Alaska Native villages, the
statute “adopted an experimental model initially calculated to speed
assimilation of Alaska Natives into corporate America.” Mnuchin, 976
F.3d at 18 (citation omitted). The law directed Alaska Native villages to
create state-chartered private business corporations, called Alaska Native
Corporations or “ANCs.” See Yellen, 141 S. Ct. at 2439. ANCs would
then “‘hold, invest, manage and/or distribute lands, property, funds, and
other rights and assets for and on behalf’ of the village.” Id. (citation
omitted). “Enrolled Alaska Natives then received shares in their respec-
tive ANCs.” Id. Today, many Alaska Native villages have obtained
federal recognition and “thus maintain a government-to-government
relationship with the United States, and the United States engages with
12
Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation’s STEM Programs
such villages as political entities.” Race-Based Education Programs
at *11 (cleaned up).
With that background, we find that the inclusion of Alaska Native-
serving institutions in the TCUP statute is capable of a constitutional
interpretation. In our Race-Based Education Programs opinion, we ad-
dressed the Alaska Native- and Native Hawaiian-Serving Institutions
(“ANNHSI”) program. That program applied to all Alaska Native-serving
institutions—not only to those controlled or chartered by federally recog-
nized Alaska Native villages. See id. at *22–23 (first citing 43 U.S.C.
§ 1602(b); and then citing 20 U.S.C. §§ 1059d(b)(1), 7546(1)). For
that reason, the ANNHSI program did not meaningfully involve the
government-to-government relationships that characterize federal support
for TCUs, and it was designed principally to further a generalized goal of
racial diversity rather than uniquely Indian interests. See id. at *24. Ap-
plying strict scrutiny, we thus found the ANNHSI program unconstitu-
tional. See id. at *24–25.
By contrast, it is possible to read the TCUP statute here as limited only
to TCUs—including those controlled by Alaska Native villages—and
thereby avoid the ANNHSI program’s fatal infirmity. See Constitutionali-
ty of Disparate-Impact Liability Under Title VII, 50 Op. O.L.C. __, at *14
(June 9, 2026) (“Disparate-Impact Liability”) (addressing constitutional
avoidance); Clark v. Martinez, 543 U.S. 371, 380–82 (2005) (same). The
statute defines a TCU as an “institution of higher education which is
formally controlled, or has been formally sanctioned, or chartered, by the
governing body of an Indian tribe or tribes.” 25 U.S.C. § 1801(a)(4); see
also 42 U.S.C. § 1862p-13(a); 20 U.S.C. § 1059c(b)(3). It then includes
Alaska Native-serving institutions in that definition. See 42 U.S.C.
§ 1862p-13(a); 20 U.S.C. § 1059d(b). Congress needed to reference
Alaska Native-serving institutions specifically because Congress often has
legislated with respect to Alaska Native political institutions distinctly
from tribes in the contiguous 48 states. See Race-Based Education Pro-
grams at *10–11; Yellen, 141 S. Ct. at 2439–40. The statutory definition
of TCUs would likely not have included educational institutions con-
trolled or chartered by Alaska Native villages without explicit specifica-
tion. But many Alaska Native villages have obtained federal recognition.
See Race-Based Education Programs at *11. Given the context, it is
plausible to read the definition of TCUs as limiting the definition of
Alaska Native-serving institutions, such that the TCUP statute reaches
13
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
only those Alaska Native-serving institutions that are controlled or char-
tered by federally recognized Alaska Native villages. See Luna Torres v.
Lynch, 578 U.S. 452, 459 (2016) (noting that statutory interpretation
requires considering “the relevant words not in a vacuum, but with refer-
ence to the statutory context” (citation omitted)); see also, e.g., Gomez v.
United States, 490 U.S. 858, 864 (1989) (adopting a saving construction
based on “the context of the overall statutory scheme”). 2 So interpreted,
the inclusion of Alaska Native-serving institutions falls within the Manca-
ri exception.3
2 The definition of Alaska Native-serving institutions cross-references a definition
of Alaska Native that our Office previously concluded triggers strict scrutiny. See 20
U.S.C. § 1059d(b)(1), (b)(2)(B); id. § 7546(1); 43 U.S.C. § 1602(b); Race-Based Educa-
tion Programs at *22–25. We reached that conclusion because the statute defined Alaska
Native “not just by affiliation with a recognized political group—whether it be a federally
recognized tribe or village—but also by blood quantum and ethnic ancestry.” Race-Based
Education Programs at *23. Although the definition referred to Alaska Native villages as
well, it did “not limit eligibility for the . . . program by affiliation with those entities.” Id.
at *23 n.12. Bolstering our conclusion that strict scrutiny applied, the program’s “stated
purposes [were] unrelated to uniquely Indian interests.” Id. at *23.
That advice does not dictate the outcome here. For one, the TCUP involves uniquely
Indian interests, and in such cases, engaging with the institutions of federally recognized
entities may shield “legislation that might otherwise be constitutionally offensive.”
Yakima Indian Nation, 439 U.S. at 500–01. Even though the underlying definition of
Alaska Native includes an element of ancestry, the program engages an arm of a federally
recognized institution to facilitate Native sovereignty and self -determination. Moreover,
given the broader context of the TCUP, it is possible here to narrow the definition of
Alaska Native-serving institutions to those controlled or chartered by federally recognized
villages. Such institutions may be made up of individuals of a certain ancestry, but the
program targets only those that have achieved federal recognition, further assuring us that
the Mancari exception applies. Finally, even though the underlying definition of Alaska
Native is constitutionally problematic, the blood-quantum element would be severable.
We declined to sever that element in our previous advice because of “Congress’s intent
that ‘proof of a minimum blood quantum’ would be the controlling basis for preferential
treatment.” Race-Based Education Programs at *25. Here, by contrast, that same broader
context makes federal recognition—not blood quantum—the controlling basis. We would
therefore find that the TCUP could continue to operate as Congress intended even without
the blood-quantum component of the underlying definition of Alaska Native.
3 Our conclusion extends equally to any TCU controlled or chartered by an ANC. Alt-
hough ANCs are not themselves federally recognized tribal entities, see Yellen, 141 S. Ct.
at 2446, they were created as the statutory vehicles through which Congress allows
Alaska Native villages to manage lands and assets “on behalf of a Native village,” 43
14
Constitutionality of the National Science Foundation’s STEM Programs
The same saving construction formally applies to the statute’s inclusion
of Native Hawaiian-serving institutions. At present, there are “no federal-
ly recognized Native Hawaiian or Native Pacific Islander political enti-
ties,” Race-Based Education Programs at *11, and so there are no educa-
tional institutions controlled or chartered by federally recognized Native
Hawaiian entities. In practical terms, then, the TCUP cannot presently
include any Native Hawaiian-serving entities. This practical reality does
not, however, undermine our saving construction on a theory of surplus-
age. When Congress created the TCUP, it may have intended to ensure
that any political community the government might eventually recognize
would have its institutions eligible to the same extent as traditional TCUs.
Because Congress’s authority to recognize Native Hawaiian entities has
“not previously been resolved by [the] Court,” “[c]ongressional action in
the face of such legal uncertainty cannot reasonably be characterized as
unnecessary surplusage.” Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta, 142 S. Ct. 2486,
2500 (2022).
3.
You have also asked about the computer-science awards to TCUs. NSF
Letter at 5; see also 42 U.S.C. § 1862p-13(d). The program aimed “to
increase the participation of Tribal populations in computer science and
computational thinking education programs.” Id. § 1862p-13(d)(1) (em-
phasis added). This reference could be viewed as “a race-based eligibility
limitation” outside the Mancari exception. NSF Letter at 5.
The awards remain constitutionally administrable. They must still go to
TCUs and must satisfy the race-neutral criteria of section 1862p-13(d)(2).
As noted above, grants to TCUs generally fall within the Mancari excep-
tion as a form of government-to-government support. See Yakima Indian
U.S.C. § 1602(j), and to “perform[] functions ‘that one would most naturally describe as
governmental,’” Mnuchin, 976 F.3d at 27 (citation omitted). An ANC-controlled TCU
would derive its character from the underlying sovereign-to-sovereign relationship
between the federal government and Alaska Native villages that ANCs were designed to
serve. Moreover, benefits flowing to such an institution would reflect the same uniquely
Indian interests in self-determination and self-government that animate TCUs generally—
interests that, in Alaska, must be understood through the novel organizational framework
Congress established in the ANCSA.
15
50 Op. O.L.C. __ (Aug. 12, 2026)
Nation, 439 U.S. at 500–01. In context, the term “Tribal populations”
should be interpreted as meaning members of federally recognized tribes
or their Alaska Native equivalents. And even if that phrase suggested a
race-based restriction, it would be severable, and the race-neutral criteria
in section 1862p-13(d)(2) would continue to govern the program.
B.
Applying constitutional avoidance, three programs we have reviewed
do not require NSF to consider race or sex in their administration. Those
are (1) the Graduate Research Fellowship Program, (2) Advancing Infor-
mal STEM Learning, and (3) the Robert Noyce Teacher Scholarship
Program. So construed, these programs are consistent with the Constitu-
tion’s equal-protection guarantee.
1.
The Graduate Research Fellowship Program (“GRFP”) is authorized
under section 10 of the NSF Act. See NSF Act § 10, 64 Stat. at 152–53
(codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. § 1869). The original 1950 statute
imposed two eligibility criteria, neither racial. See id. But in 2022, Con-
gress directed NSF to “ensure program outreach to recruit fellowship
applicants . . . from historically underrepresented populations in STEM.”
Pub. L. No. 117-167, § 10313(b)(2)(C), 136 Stat. at 1524 (codified at 42
U.S.C. § 1869(c)). Because “historically underrepresented populations in
STEM” might refer to “a mix of race-based and non-race-based criteria,”
you have asked whether NSF may satisfy this requirement by focusing
only on the latter. NSF Letter at 3 (citation omitted).
It can. The phrase “historically underrepresented populations in STEM”
does not compel consideration of race. Rather, NSF can satisfy this re-
quirement by targeting race-neutral populations historically underrepre-
sented in STEM—such as persons with disabilities, from rural communi-
ties, or from low-income backgrounds. The statute